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Representations 46 (Spring 1994)
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Transformative motion pictures such as Gone with the Wind and The
Jazz Singer cannot be
subsumed under standard genre categories; instead, they synthesize genres that
separate before and after them. The first talking picture unites the subgenre
of the social problem film that it climaxed, focusing on generational conflict,
intermarriage, and passing, with the genre it originated, the musical. More
particularly, The Jazz Singer inaugurates the self-reflexive movie
musical about making musicals or making music, which thus encompasses at its
foundation the blackface musical.
As Jim Kitses insists about the western, film presents itself as
history—even within established genres with their own formal rules, building
blocks, and symbolic structures. The social problem and musical genres may seem
to offer opposed historical visions of tragedy and comedy, realism and escape,
narrative and spectacle. But when escapist entertainment puts on the mask of
the oppressed it exposes, in itself, the social problem. Moreover, the mixture
of the two genres in the first talking picture—the use of musical blackface to
encapsulate and solve the social, generational problem by Americanizing the
immigrant son—supports Robin Wood and Vivian Sobchack’s suggestion that placing
apparently opposed genres together illuminates ideological work less visible in
a single genre. From one perspective, the racially inflected social problem
film supplies the reality escaped from in blackface musical utopia. Not only do
blackface stereotypes carry over into race-relations movies, however; the
blackface celebration of performance infects the social problem film as well,
since role-playing and identity transformation organize both genres. Both offer
Hollywood methods for crossing the racial/ethnic divide.
The two genres separated again after The Jazz Singer, as the
generational-conflict social problem film went into decline and was supplanted
by the blackface musical. The Jewish novelist and screenwriter Fanny Hurst
supplied the major examples of the generational-conflict film, The Younger
Generation (1928) and Symphony of Six Million (1932), on Jewish
assimilation, and Imitation of Life (1934), on black passing. Blackface
had kept black actors off the screen in social problem silent films and other
genres of narrative cinema. Talking pictures, a large step toward
narrative realism, ended the era in which whites played blacks in dramatic roles,
but sound’s ability to capture the singing voice revived blackface minstrelsy.
Serving music in the Vitaphone shorts and The Jazz Singer,
synchronized sound originally called attention to performance rather
than supporting illusionistic, realist cinema. Musicals continued this
spectacle side of sound. If The Jazz Singer ended the use of blackface
as unself-conscious method of impersonating African-Americans (as in Birth
of a Nation), it introduced to feature films blackface as conscious film
subject. White minstrels had put on burnt cork in self-reflexive celebrations
of American entertainment itself. Beginning with The Jazz Singer, blackface
musicals established Hollywood’s roots in this first and most popular (before
Hollywood) American mass-entertainment form.
There were some roles for blacks as entertainers in the 1930s, usually
combined with the narrativized minstrel roles of mammy, tom, and coon,
particularly in the genre that Gone with the Wind climaxes, the southern
(exemplified by the Shirley Temple/ Bojangles Robinson series, John Ford’s Judge
Priest [1934], and Jezebel [1938]). Blackface musicals, however,
sustained the tradition of whites playing black as spectacle. In the classic
period of Hollywood narrative realism, with its claims to verisimilitude and
its focus on individual, interiorized character development, the musical in
general and the blackface musical in particular retained the gestural,
theatrical, self-reflexive, nonrealistic, utopian side of silent film.
As a family melodrama, The Jazz Singer used music to evoke
conflict and loss, and in the first years of talking pictures other musicals
followed its example. By the mid 1930s the genre had transformed itself,
according to Rick Altman, as music became associated more with pleasure than
with pain; the blackface musical is an instance. Most musicals using blackface
in the 1930s and 1940s fall into two subcategories, both derived from The
Jazz Singer: either backstage musicals about putting on a show or
biographies of the central figures in the history of American popular music.
The first group includes such unsuccessful Jolson vehicles as Mammy
(1930) and The Singing Kid (1936), Fred Astaire’s Swingtime
(1936), Mickey Rooney and Judy Garland’s Babes in Arms (1939) and Babes
on Broadway (1942), Fred Astaire and Bing Crosby’s Holiday Inn
(1942; the film that introduced what was for half a century the best-selling
song in history, Irving Ber1in’s ‘White Christmas”), and This is the Army
(1943; starring Ronald Reagan). The second group comprises retrospective,
nostalgic films that, from 1939 to 1949, took blackface from its antebellum
origins to post–World War II America, recounting the lives of Stephen Foster (Swanee
River, 1939; the movie also features the blackface minstrel, E. P. Christy,
played by Jolson); Dan Emmett (with Christy, the most popular early minstrel; Dixie,
1943); George Gershwin (Rhapsody in Blue, 1945; Jolson, whose blackface
rendition of “Swanee” made Gershwin famous and helped launch the Jazz Age, repeats
that performance); and Jolson himself (The Jolson Story, 1946;
and Jolson Sings Again, 1949). The Eddie Cantor Story and the
Danny Thomas Jazz Singer remake (both 1953), critical and box office
failures, bring the subgenre to an end, though it comes back from the dead in
Neil Diamond’s Jazz Singer (1981).
As grounded in The Jazz Singer and Gone with the Wind, and
culminating in the immense postwar popularity of The Jolson Story and Jolson
Sings Again, the blackface musical was among the most important genres of
New Deal cinema. The Jolson Story was one of two films to monopolize the
1946 Academy Awards nominations and, coming at the apex of Hollywood’s wartime
boom, one of three to follow Birth and Gone with the Wind as
Hollywood’s all-time money-makers (before the 1960s blockbusters). Jolson
Sings Again, similarly, led all films of 1949 in box office receipts. But
the other 1946 movie that combined Academy Awards with box office success,
apparently at the opposite pole from The Jolson Story’s celebration of
entertainment, was Best Years of Our Lives, a social problem film about
returning World War II veterans. The film second to Jolson Sings Again
in 1949 box office receipts was likewise a racial social problem film, Pinky.
Home of the Brave, which combined Best Years of Our Lives’ war
subject with Pinky’s racial theme, was also among the top thirty
grossers of the year, remarkable for a low-budget, independent production. The
racial/ethnic social problem film, both in its original generational-conflict and
later racial-prejudice forms, thus appears as the underside of the blackface
musical. That the social problem and musical genres are split halves of a
common Ur-film is suggested not only by their common Jazz Singer roots
but also by the simultaneous success of Jolson Story and Best Years,
Jolson Sings Again and Pinky.
Between 1947 and 1949, when the Popular Front overlapped with early Civil
Rights, Cold War liberalism, Hollywood produced six films exposing racial
prejudice. The industry’s first two movies about anti-Semitism—Crossfire
(1947) and Gentleman’s Agreement (1947)—were followed in 1949, in a
literal transfer, by four movies on anti-black racism: Pinky, Lost
Boundaries, Home of the Brave, and Intruder in the Dust.
These Civil Rights movies are the stepchildren of the
generational-conflict films. Unwilling to show nativist hostility to
immigrants, the earlier motion pictures displaced anti-Semitism in the wider
society onto generational conflict within the Jewish family; in The Jazz
Singer, resistance to the Jew becoming American comes from the Jewish
father, not from gentiles. The end of mass immigration to the United States and
the destruction of European Jewry produced nostalgia for a lost Jewish world
instead of the fear of Old World figures blocking the path to Americanization.
This shift takes place visibly in the blackface musical, where The Jazz Singer
patriarch metamorphoses into the adorable, supportive, old-people dolls—Stepin
Fetchits, a later critic would call them—of the Jolson biopics. Outside Hollywood
as well, the portrayals of family conflict and crisis in Yiddish cinema and
Jewish publications of the first part of the century would be buried by
retrospective celebrations of the Jewish family as the source of
Jewish-American success. In, for example, Beyond the Melting Pot,
imaginary Jewish family cohesion is juxtaposed to black family pathology in
order to explain Jewish success and black failure.
However sentimentalized the postwar depiction of Jews, the Holocaust
nonetheless turned Hollywood attention to anti-Semitism. The extermination of
European Jews also called attention to the racial oppression of
African-Americans. Racism and anti-Semitism, the unacknowledged condition for
blackface musicals and generational-conflict films from The Jazz Singer
to Jolson Sings Again, are made visible on the screen in the Civil
Rights movies. But these films also expose the underside of Jewish/black
identification in their use of blackface stereotypes and their portrayal of
relative Jewish privilege.
These doubled postwar genre films—Jolson biopics and racial social
problem pictures—straddle the fissures in the New Deal coalition that would
ultimately shatter it. One could foresee that political coming-apart by
identifying Jolson films as Dixiecrat for their Southern nostalgia, social
problem films such as Crossfire (whose director, producer, and writers
would soon fall victim to the House Un-American Activities Committee) as
aligned with (Henry) Wallaceite politics. Not only do the Jolson biopics hold
together the Southern/Jewish alliance, however, but the social problem films
are defined by it as well. The continuation of the New Deal coalition for two
decades after the war, in spite of pressures from white supremacists on the
right, Civil Rights and anti–Cold War movements on the left, shows up in the
way the two late l940s genres are not polarized but interrelated. The racial
social problem film, although it poses itself against the blackface musical, is
actually an inheritance from it.
What, then, is the genre of the blackface musical? There is an ideology
of its content, what l will call “organic nationalism,” and an ideology of its
form, involving self-making, performance, and artifice. In content, the
blackface musical offers regression as national integration. “Mammy” is its
foundation, evoking both childhood and the South to support the ease of
transfer from white to black and back again—whether as Judge Priest doing
Stepin Fetchit’s black voice, or Dan Emmett performing a blackface “Dixie,” or
Bing Crosby and Marjorie Reynolds celebrating Lincoln’s birthday in blackface
in Holiday Inn. The wide open, maternal or infantile, blackface
mouth—Jolson’s as he sings “My Mammy,” Larry Parks’s in closeups in the Jolson
biopics—is, as in Dixie, the stage entrance from which blacks make everything
available to whites (see fig. l). In the vision of interracial harmony to which
these nostalgic films return, the Civil War, not race relations, is the source
of division in American life. Blackface heals that division in allowing whites
playfully to expropriate blacks under conditions of hierarchical, interracial
harmony. Southern domestic repose supports Northern acquisitive self-making;
the Southern parvenu and redneck replace the black beast; and Warm Springs,
Georgia (Roosevelt’s summer home), joins with Tammany Hall to perpetuate the
Democratic Party politics out of which blackface had originally sprung, Martin
Van Buren’s alliance between the planters of the South and the plain
republicans of the North.
The entertainment business, from blackface to Hollywood, was itself the
vehicle for national integration in the blackface musical. Blackface becomes
the new world religion in The Jazz Singer; it makes America “God’s
Country” in Babes in Arms; and it serves the war effort in Jolson’s
comeback to entertain the troops and help the Jews in Jolson Sings Again.
Thanks to the latter film and The Jolson Story, when Jolson performed
for Korean War soldiers he was once again a national icon. Lt. Gen. Walton
Walker regretfully declined viewing the show, he wrote Jolson, because “I have
a show of my own.” If war was theater, theater was mobilized for war. Named
1949 Personality of the Year by the Washington. D.C., Variety Club, Jolson
received the award from the Undersecretary of Defense. He visited the White
House, where President Truman remembered seeing him in minstrel shows in his
youth. The performer “died in action,” as Columbia Pictures’ Harry Cohn put it,
suffering a heart attack after his trip to Korea. “A casualty of war just as
much as any soldier who died on the battlef1eld,” he received, posthumously,
the Pentagon Order of Merit. Obituaries marked his ascent from his role as “part
of a mob scene in a Yiddish play” (Children of the Ghetto), through
blackface, to inauguration by the mass audience as “king,” “the greatest single
entertainer of our time.”
Like his biopics, Jolson’s obituaries made blackface serve the melting
pot, shifting its Americanizing role from marking generational conflict to
incorporating Jews of all generations. As it united immigrant parents and
children, so it connected the national present to the past. Babes in Arms
and the biopics of the 1940s gave Hollywood blackface roots and made the
entertainment business the vehicle for making Americans. When the New Yorker
reviewed Dixie alongside the war movie Pilot Number 5, its “Democracy
and Burnt Cork” title implied blackface’s contribution to the war effort.
In defining Americanness as entertainment, however, blackface musicals
slid from content to form, presenting American identity in terms of performance
and self-making. Calling attention to their nostalgia, blackface musicals are
self-reflexive at the core. They self-consciously make not the world they
represent but themselves as performances the basis for American patriotism.
Synecdochical for Hollywood, blackface gives America its meaning—self-making
through role-playing—in Holiday Inn, Swanee River, and Dixie.
“Fifteen nights a year Cinderella steps into a coach and becomes queen of
Holiday Inn,” says Marjorie Reynolds as she applies burnt cork to her face. The
cinders transform her into royalty. Although blackface was often justified as
disguise, as in the Holiday Inn scene, that was itself a ruse, for the
audience was always in on the secret. Dirt was the magical, transforming
substance in blackface carnivalesque (particularly transgressive for the
blackface Jew, since the term ham actor originated from the use of ham
fat to wipe off burnt cork). On the one hand the filthy mask (“Dirty hands,
dirty face,” sings young Jakie Rabinowitz) brought the performer down to the
earthy substrate, the ape he aped. But on the other, the masquerade identified
him not with the mammy but with the trickster. Orality in its performed form
was less the sucking mouth of nurture and more the signifying mouth of changing
identity. Black mimicry, black performance, the black mask, the technique by
which the subjugated group kept its distance from and mocked its oppressor, was
itself expropriated and made into a blackface performance for whites.
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